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Jim CullenA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The author discusses historian James Truslow Adams’s book The Epic of America and how it popularized the term “American Dream.” The book describes the American Dream as the central idea governing opinion about the US at home and abroad. Cullen notes that the American Dream has never been universally understood or defined in the same way even though many US citizens take its existence and inherent goodness for granted.
Despite the Puritans’ reputation for being unpleasant and intolerant, the author respects their vast ambition, which is fundamental to understanding what it means to be an American. Although the term “Puritan” itself refers to varied people and experiences, it generally points to an extremely disciplined Protestant faith that derived from—but didn’t necessarily remain within—the Anglican Church. For example, separatist Puritans like William Bradford left the Anglican Church altogether because of its perceived corruption. Compared to other sects like the Anabaptists and the Quakers, the Puritans believed in moderate reform. Internal debates about how reform was to be carried out aside, “this faith in reform became the central legacy of American Protestantism and the cornerstone of what became the American Dream. Things—religious and otherwise—could be different” (15).
Puritans believed in predestination, meaning that God has already decided who’s going to Heaven and Hell, and one can never truly know where one’s headed. This difficult doctrine, also known as the “covenant of grace,” was softened by the doctrine of preparationism, in which believers could take steps to become ready to have God wash away their sins and thereby relieve some anxiety about their eternal status. Despite their harsh religious doctrine and intolerance of other religious sects, Puritans were great lovers of community and civic participation, as demonstrated by their zeal for town meetings and by representatives like John Winthrop, a longtime governor of the Massachusetts Bay colony and a famous communitarian.
Over time, many Puritans migrated away from Massachusetts Bay into areas like Connecticut and New Hampshire to seek more land and to free themselves from strict community living. Accompanying this dispersal were religious disagreements amongst Puritans, demonstrated most clearly in the Antinomian Crisis of the 1630s, in which some Puritans seeking a purer and more rigorous Christian life accused other Puritans of practicing an empty faith. These disagreements resulted in theological compromises for many Puritans, revealing that “despite an unusual degree of social homogeneity, the Puritans were unable to create a harmonious community in their new home, succumbing to all too human foibles as well as highly specific, even technical disagreements […]” (28).
In the absence of other universal bases of identity like shared history, religion, and lineage that exist in comparatively homogenous nations like Japan, the American Dream “seems like the most lofty as well as the most immediate component of an American identity, a birthright far more meaningful and compelling than terms like ‘democracy,’ ‘Constitution,’ or even ‘the United States’ (5). This idea-based identity is ambiguous and isn’t subject to proof in the same way as other identifiers, which contributes to the American Dream’s mystique and its tensions, including the variety of definitions of the Dream throughout history and between different social groups. Despite these contentions, human agency, or “the idea that individuals have control over the course of their lives” (10), is the critical through line joining all definitions of the American Dream.
The willingness to start all over and take one’s destiny in one’s own hands to create a better life for one’s children is the hallmark of the Puritan experience and, more broadly, the American Dream. Implicit in this concept is the importance of human agency or freedom, another hallmark of the Dream. The Dream obviously wasn’t accessible to all people living on the North American continent since the arrival of the Puritans—that is, it wasn’t accessible to women, African slaves, and First Nations people in the way that it was to many white men. During times of crisis in the early history of the colonies, women were easy scapegoats, like during the Salem Witch Trials or the Antinomian religious crisis, which banished Anne Hutchinson from her community after a blasphemy trial. Wars with First Nations groups over land were common, although Cullen indicates that the Puritans’ “much-lamented relations with Indians weren’t all that bad” (29). Although African slaves enabled white European settlers to achieve their own American dreams, it’s ridiculous to imagine that slaves had comparable access to the Dream during the 17th century in the American colonies.
The anxiety associated with the Puritan religion was extreme. The theological compromises of some Puritans are understandable given the psychological duress associated with the real fear of hellfire coupled with no surefire way to guarantee salvation. Preparationism, a method of indicating to oneself that one is on the right path to salvation, would have been an enormous relief to many Puritans. Max Weber in his Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, which Cullen references in this book, argues that the Protestant work ethic (born of preparationism and Puritans’ need for a tangible way to know that they could be saved from Hell by carrying out regular good works in this world) was crucial for the development of capitalism. This point of view is at odds with competing theories of history like Marxism.
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